The initial objective is to create a matrix of free trade agreements between each of the partners and the others. Then a single free trade area will be created, including the European Union. 5The articles of the original MEAs provided market access for all industrial products, but they were still limited with regard to access to agricultural products. A commitment to progressive liberalisation was made, but initially customs duties and conditional protection remained applicable and are set out in a protocol annexed to the agreement. [15] Similarly, the agreements included an obligation to liberalise trade in services and the right of establishment, but no specific agreements were concluded, with the exception of Lebanon and Algeria (see below). In addition, the agreements stipulate that the implementation of EU competition and state rules must be decided by the Association Council and that there are no binding disciplines for the liberalisation of public procurement. [16] In general, we can see that, despite the ambitions of the Barcelona Declaration, the rules laid down in the Association Agreements are rather limited and mainly cover trade in industrial goods. However, significant progress has been made in recent years in trade relations. The main objective of the trade partnership is to create a deep Euro-Mediterranean free trade area aimed at removing barriers to trade and investment between the EU and the southern Mediterranean countries, as well as between the southern Mediterranean countries themselves. Euro-Mediterranean Association Agreements are in force with most partners (with the exception of Syria and Libya).

Deepening South-South economic integration is a central objective of the Euro-Mediterranean trade partnership. This is an essential element for the creation of a full-fledged free trade area. However, regional economic integration among the southern Mediterranean countries remains limited: intraregional trade accounts for a small fraction (5.9% for exports, 5.1% for imports) of countries` total trade, one of the lowest levels of regional economic integration in the world. The EU supports the strengthening of trade relations between the southern Mediterranean countries: 20 However, the report also shows that there are feasible solutions to all the problems identified. First, liberalisation between the EU and MNMs can be encouraged through further negotiations on compromises that are economically beneficial and politically viable for both the EU and NCMs. It should be possible to reach an agreement on further liberalisation of agriculture and type 4 trade in services in exchange for investment liberalisation and further economic and administrative reforms, in line with the EU acquis, on the side of the NCMs. However, this seems to depend to a large extent on accompanying and support measures within the EU and, with EU support, within THE NCMs, and requires a fairer and more secure relationship between the EU and the NNMs. Secondly, to create the right context for such a true interregional partnership, two things should be done. On the one hand, the relationship of dependence between the EU and the Mediterranean must be weakened by changes in the institutional structure of the EMA. The Union for the Mediterranean shall ensure a strengthening of the co-responsibility of the partnership by establishing a co-presidency and by establishing a joint secretariat and a joint standing committee. However, the will of political actors on both shores of the Mediterranean will depend on the ability of these new institutions to strengthen ownership and promote cooperation between NCMs.

On the other hand, intra-regional trade between NMCs should be strengthened and political cooperation and regional integration should be promoted. . . .